Critical Discourse Analysis, Organizational Discourse, and Organizational Change Essay Example for Free

Critical Discourse Analysis, Organizational Discourse, and Organizational Change Essay Discourses is an element of all concrete social events (actions, processes) as well as of more durable social practices, though neither are simply discourse: they are articulations of discourse with non-discoursal elements. ‘Discourse’ subsumes language as well as other forms of semiosis such as visual images and ‘body language’, and the discoursal element of a social event often combines different semiotic forms (eg a television programme). But the use of the ‘term ‘discourse’ rather than ‘language’ is not purely or even primarily motivated by the diversity of forms of semiosis, it is primarily registers a relational way of seeing semiosis[i], as one element of social events and practices dialectically interconnected with other elements. The overriding objective of discourse analysis, on this view, is not simply analysis of discourse per se, but analysis of the dialectical relations between discourse and non-discoursal elements of the social, in order to reach a better understanding of these complex relations (including how changes in discourse can cause changes in other elements). But if we are to analyse relations between discourse and non-discoursal elements, we must obviously see them as ontologically (and not just epistemologically, analytically) different elements of the social. They are different, but they are not discrete – that is, they are dialectically related, in the sense that elements ‘internalize’ other elements, without being reducible to them (Harvey 1996, Chouliaraki Fairclough 1999, Fairclough 2003, Fairclough, Jessop Sayer 2004). A realist view of social life sees it as including social structures as well as social events – in critical realist terms, the ‘real’ (which defines and delimits what is possible) as well as the ‘actual’ (what actually happens). There is a general recognition that the relationship between structures and events must be a mediated relation, and I follow for instance Bhaskar (1986) and Bourdieu (Bourdieu Wacquant 1992) in regarding social practices as the mediating entities – more or less durable and stable articulations of diverse social elements including discourse which constitute social selections and orderings of the allowances of social structures as actualisable allowances in particular areas of social life in a certain time and place. Social fields, institutions and organizations can be regarded as networks of social practices. Networks of social practices include specifically discoursal selections and orderings (from languages and other semiotic systems, which are counted amongst social structures) which I call ‘orders of discourse’, appropriating but redefining Foucault’s term (Foucault 1984, Fairclough 1992). Orders of discourse are social structurings of linguistic/semiotic variation or difference. Realist discourse analysis on this view is based in a dialectical-relational social ontology which gives ontological priority to processes and relations over objects, entities, persons, organizations etc, yet sees the latter as socially produced ‘permanences’ (Harvey 1996) which constitute a pre-structured reality with which we are confronted, and sets of affordances and limitations on processes. Epistemological priority is given to neither pre-constructed social structures, practices, institutions, identities or organizations, nor to processes, actions, and events: the concern is with the relationship and tension between them. People with their capacities for agency are seen as socially produced, contingent and subject to change, yet real, and possessing real causal powers which, in their tension with the causal powers of social structures, are a focus for analysis. Social research proceeds through abstraction from the concrete events of social life aimed at understanding the pre-structured nature of social life, and returns to analysis of concrete events, actions and processes in the light of this abstract knowledge. Discourse and non-discoursal elements of social events and social practices are related in many ways. I distinguish three main ways: representing, acting (and interacting), and being. At the level of social practices, orders of discourse can be seen as articulations of specific ways of representing, acting, and being – ie specific discourses, genres and styles. A discourse is a particular way of representing certain parts or aspects of the (physical, social, psychological) world; a genre is a particular way of (inter)acting (which comprises the discoursal element of a way of inter)acting which will also necessarily comprise non-discoursal elements); a style is a way of being (the discoursal element of a way of being, an ‘identity’, which will also include non-discoursal elements). I shall use the term ‘text’[ii], in a generalized sense (not just written text but also spoken interaction, multi-semiotic televisual text etc) for the discoursal element of social events. Texts are doubly contextualized, first in their relation to other elements of social events, second in their relation to social practices, which is ‘internal’ to texts in the sense that they necessarily draw upon orders of discourse, ie social practices in their discoursal aspect, and the discourses, genres and styles associated with them. However, events (and therefore texts) are points of articulation and tension between two causal forces: social practices and, through their mediation, social structures; and the agency of the social actors who speak, write, compose, read, listen to, interpret them. The social ‘resource’ of discourses, genres and styles is subject to the transformative potential of social agency, so that texts do not simply instantiate discourses, genres and styles, they actively rework them, articulate them together in distinctive and potentially novel ways, hybridize them, transform them. My focus in this paper is on organizational change, and this version of CDA has indeed been developed in association with research on discourse in social change. Social change comprises change in social structures, social practices, the networking of social practices, and (the character of) social events; and change in languages and other semiotic systems, in orders of discourse and relations between orders of discourse, and in texts. With respect to orders of discourse, social change includes change in the social structuring of linguistic/semiotic variation, therefore change in discourses, genres and styles, and change in their articulation in orders of discourse, and change in relations between orders of discourse (eg political and media orders of discourse). With respect to texts, social change includes tendential change in how discourses, genres and styles are drawn upon and articulated/hybridized together in various types of text. The process of social change raises questions about causal relations between different elements. Causal relations are not simple or one-way. For instance, it would seem to make more sense to see new communication technologies (ICTs) as causing the emergence of new genres than vice-versa – changes in discourse caused by changes in non-discoursal elements. In other cases, change appears to be discourse-led. A pervasive contemporary process (for instance in processes of ‘transition’ in central and eastern Europe) is change initiated through the recontextualization[iii] in an organization, a social field, or a country of ‘external’ discourses, which may then be enacted in new ways of (inter)acting including new genres, inculcated as new ways of being including styles, and materialized in for example new ways of organizing space. These enactments, inculcations and materializations are dialectical processes. There is an important proviso however: these processes are contingent, they depend upon certain conditions of possibility. For instance, when a discourse is recontextualized, it enters a new field of social relations, and its trajectory within those social relations is decisive in determining whether or not it has (re)constructive effects on the organization, social field etc overall. In contexts of social change, different groups of social actors may develop different and conflicting strategies for change, which have a partially discursive character (narratives of the past, representations of the present, imaginaries for the future), and inclusion within a successful strategy is a condition for a discourse being dialectically enacted, inculcated and materialized in other social elements (Jessop 2002, Fairclough, Jessop Sayer 2004). Discourses construe aspects of the world in inherently selective and reductive ways, ‘translating’ and ‘condensing’ complex realities (Harvey 1996), and one always needs to ask, why this particular selection and reduction, why here, why now? (For a discussion of ‘globalisation’ discourse in these terms, see Fairclough Thomas forthcoming. Locating discourses in relation to strategies in contexts of social change enables us to connect particular representations of the world with particular interests and relations of power, as well assess their ideological import. Discourses do not emerge or become recontextualized in particular organizations or fields at random, and they do not stand in an arbitrary relation to social structures and practices, forms of institutionalization and organization. If we can construct explanations of change in non-discoursal elements of social reality which attribute causal effects to discourses, we can also construct explanations of change in discourses which attribute causal effects to (non-discoursal elements of) structures and practices, as well as social and strategic relations. The social construction of the social world may sometimes be a matter of changes in non-discoursal elements caused by discourses (through the concrete forms of texts), but discourses (and texts) are also causal effects, the dialectics of social change is not a one-way street. We can distinguish four elements, or moments, in the social trajectories of discourses: their emergence and constitution (through a re-articulation of existing elements); their entry into hegemonic struggles from which they may emerge as hegemonic discourses; their dissemination and recontextualization across structural and scalar boundaries (ie between one field or institution or organization and others, and between one scale (‘global’, macro-regional (eg the EU), national, local) and others; and their operationalization (enactment, inculcation, materialization). These are distinct moments with respect to the causal effects of discourses on non-discoursal (as well as discoursal, ie generic and stylistic) elements of social life, and they are all subject to non-discoursal as well as discoursal conditions. CDA claims that social research can be enriched by extending analysis of social processes and social change into detailed analysis of texts. More detailed (including linguistic) analysis of texts is connected to broader social analysis by way of (a) analysing texts as part of analysing social events, (b) interdiscursive analysis of shifting articulations of genres, discourses, styles in texts (Fairclough 2003). The latter locates the text as an element of a concrete event in its relationship to orders of discourse as the discoursal aspect of networks of social practices, and so allows the analyst to (a) assess the relationship and tension between the causal effects of agencies in the concrete event and the causal effects of (networks of) social practices, and through them of social structures (b) detect shifts in the relationship between orders of discourse and networks f social practices as these are registered in the interdiscursivity (mixing of genres, discourses, styles) of texts. Text can be seen as product and as process. Texts as products can be stored, retrieved, bought and sold, cited and summarized and so forth. Texts as processes can be grasped through seeing ‘texturing’, making texts, as a specific modality of social action, of social production or ‘making’ (of meanings, understandings, knowledge, beliefs, attitudes, feelings, social relations, social a nd personal identities, institutions, organizations). The focus is on ‘logogenesis’ (Iedema 2003:115-17), including the texturing of entities (objects, persons, spaces, organizations) which can, given certain preconditions, be dialectically internalized (enacted, inculcated and materialized) in non-discoursal elements of social life. See for instance the discussion of the significance of nominalization as a logogenetic process in texts in processes of organizing, producing organization objects, in Iedema (2003). Organizational Discourse  I shall construct my very selective comments on organizational discourse analysis around the following four themes: organization and organizing; variation, selection and retention; understandings of ‘discourse’; and intertextuality. Organization and organizing Mumby Stohl (1991) argue that researchers in organizational communication most centrally differ from those in other areas of organization studies in that the former problematize ‘organization’ whereas the latter do not. ‘For us, organization or organizing, to use Weicks (1979) term is a precarious, ambiguous, uncertain process that is continually being made and remade. In Weicks sense, organizations are only seen as stable, rational structures when viewed retrospectively. Communication, then, is the substance of organizing in the sense that through discursive practices organization members engage in the construction of a complex and diverse system of meanings’. Another formulation of this shift in emphasis from organizations as structures to ‘organizing’ (or ‘organizational becoming’, Tsoukas Chia 2002) as a process is that of Mumby Clair (1997: 181): ‘we suggest that organizations exist only in so far as their members create them through discourse. This is not to claim that organizations are â€Å"nothing but† discourse, but rather that discourse is the principal means by which organization members create a coherent social reality that frames their sense of who they are’. Despite the disclaimer at the beginning of the second sentence, this formulation can as argued by Reed (forthcoming) be seen as collapsing ontology into epistemology, and undermining the ontological reality of organizational structures as constraints on organizational action and communication. From the perspective of the realist view of discourse I have outlined, it makes little sense to see organizing and organization, or more generally agency and structure, as alternatives one has to choose between. With respect to organizational change, both organizational structures and the agency of members of organizations in organizational action and communication have causal effects on how organizations change. Organizational communication does indeed organize, produce organizational effects and transform organizations, but organizing is subject to conditions of possibility which include organizational structures. The paper by Iedema, Degeling, Braithwaite and White (2004) in the special issue of Organizational Studies is an analysis of how a ‘doctor-manager’ in a teaching hospital in Australia manages ‘the incommensurable dimensions’ of his ‘boundary position between profession and organization’ by positioning himself across different discourses, sometimes in a single utterance. The authors identify a heteroglossia ‘that is too context-regarding to be reducible to personal idiosyncracy, and too complex and dynamic to be the calculated outcome of conscious manipulation’. They see the doctor-manager’s talk as a ‘feat’ of ‘bricolage’, not as a display of ‘behaviours that are pre-programmed’. Nor is it an instantiation of a ‘strategy’, for ‘strategies are they assume ‘conscious’. Although the authors recognize that organizations can ‘set limits’ on what workers can say and do, impose ‘closure’, they see the doctor-manager as successfully ‘deferring closure on his own identity and on the discourses that realize it’. One can take this as an interesting and nuanced study of organization as the ‘organizing’ that is achieved in interaction (nuanced in the sense that it does not exclude organizational structures, though it does suggest that they are more ‘fluid’ and less ‘categorical’ than they have been taken to be, and it does recognize their capacity to impose ‘closure’). I would like to make a number of connected observations on this paper. First, one might see the doctor-manager’s ‘feat’ in this case as a particular form of a more general organizational process, the management of contradictions. Second, discourse figures differently in different types of organization (Borzeix 2003, referring to Girin 2001). The type of organization in this case seems to be in Girin’s terms a ‘cognitive’ (or ‘learning’, or ‘intelligent’) organization, in which the normative force of (written) texts (rules, procedures) is limited, and there is an emphasis on learning in spoken interaction. There seems to be, in other terms, a relatively ‘network’ type of structure rather than a simple hierarchy, where management involves a strong element participatory and consultative interaction with stakeholders. Third, connecting the first two points, spoken interaction in this type of organization accomplishes an ongoing management of contradictions which contrasts with the management of contradictions through suppressing them by imposing rules and procedures. Fourth, the doctor-manager’s ‘feat’ can be seen as a performance of a strategy as long as we abandon the (somewhat implausible) claim that all aspects and levels of strategic action are conscious – the doctor-manager would one imagines be conscious of the need to sustain a balancing act between professional and managerial perspectives and priorities, and of certain specific means to do so, but that does not entail him being conscious of all the complex interactive means he uses to do it. Fifth, while particular performances of this strategy (or, indeed, any strategy) are not ‘pre-programmed’, the strategy is institutionalized, disseminated, learnt, and constitutes a facet of the type of organization as a network of social practices, ie a facet of organizational structure. Sixth, it strikes me that bringing off a sense of creative bricolage is perhaps itself a part of the managerial style of this type of organization, ie part of the strategy, the network of social practices, the order of discourse. My conclusion is that even in a case of this sort, rather more emphasis is needed on the relationship between organizing and organization, performance and practice, ‘feat’ and strategy[iv]. Organizational discourse studies have been associated with postmodernist positions (Chia 1995, Grant, Harvey, Oswick Putnam forthcoming, Grant, Keenoy, Oswick 2001), though the field as a whole is too diverse to be seen as simply postmodernist. Chia identifies a postmodern ‘style of thinking’ in organizational studies which ‘accentuates the significance, ontological priority and analysis of the micro-logics of social organizing practices over and above their stabilized effects such as individuals. As this indicates, the focus on organizing rather than organisation is strongly associated with this ‘style of thinking’. Like the dialectical-relational ontology I advocated earlier, this ‘style of thinking’ sees objects and entities as produced within ontologically prior processes. The key difference is that this ‘style of thinking’ tends towards a one-sided emphasis on process, whereas the realist view of discourse analysis I have been advocating centres upon the tension between (discoursal) process and pre-structured (discoursal and linguistic, as well as non-discoursal) objects. This form of realism is not subject to the tendency within modernist social research which is criticized by Woolgar (1988) to take the objects it arrives at through abstraction (which would include in the case of CDA orders of discourse, as well as language and other semiotic systems) to be exhaustive of the social reality it researches. The key difference in this case is whereas this form of modernist research moves from the concrete to the abstract and then ‘forgets’ the concrete, the dialectic-relational form of realism I have advocated crucially makes the move back to analysis of the concrete. CDA is not merely concerned with languages and orders of discourse, it is equally concerned with text and texturing, and with the relations of tension between the two.

Analysis Of Aircraft Maintenance

Analysis Of Aircraft Maintenance As everyone knows, nowadays aircraft has become the most important transportation for everything. But the most important is people who are travelling with aircraft. The lives of the people on the aircraft are important. Each and every airlines in this world today, are trying to convince people that they are the safest airliner, but the main question is, are they really safe as what they mentioned? Aircraft maintenance activities are generally divided into two categories, which are, working on-aircraft and working off-aircraft. Working on-aircraft is when the technician or the engineer has to troubleshoot, repaired, overhauled and changing parts. While working off-aircraft is when there is any parts on the aircraft been removed and need to be checked separately from the aircraft, for example aircraft battery check, which needs to be removed and taken to battery shop in order to continue inspection or charging. Normally, every approved maintenance organization must have store department that use to receive and issue every parts, component and appliances. For that reason, this store department must comply with storage regulations as stated in approved maintenance organization requirements such as EASA Part 145.A.42 and CAA CAP 562 Civil Aircraft Airworthiness Information and Procedures (CAAIP) recommendations. Aircraft is not like other transportations, everything parts that being installed on the aircraft must be genuine, neither like car, it can use a fake parts in order to safe cost. But aircraft is nothing close to that. If fake or bogus parts are being used on the aircraft, every person lives on that aircraft are in jeopardy. But today, the news of civil aviation authority and aircraft manufacturers are working hard tracking down and eliminate counterfeit parts as well as tracing aircraft parts which are lacks of documentation are all over the world. In this assignment a research, analyse, and critically evaluate of maintenance practices in a civil commercial aircraft environment, concerning the use and control of genuine and non-genuine (bogus) spare parts for aircraft use will be carried out. TERMS AND DEFINITIONS These terms and definition is taken from FAA unapproved parts investigation in accordance with the source from FAA (2011) and M. Mohamad (2003). BOGUS PARTS: Describe several parts categories, ranging from properly manufactured parts lacking required documentation to defective and deliberately counterfeited parts.Under FAA regulations, all aircraft UNAPPROVED PARTS: parts manufactured without FAA approval (specifically FARs Part 21.305 or repaired under the terms of Part 43) are unapproved parts. This catchall classification includes counterfeit parts, stolen parts, production overruns sold without authorization, parts in exceedance of their time limits, approved parts improperly returned to service, and fraudulently marked parts, or parts which have no traceability. COUNTERFEIT PARTS: Parts made of inferior properties. APPROVED PARTS: production standards (FAR 21.305). They can be approved under a Parts Manufacturer Approval (PMA), under Technical Standard Orders (TSOS), in conjunction with typecertification procedures through FAA administration approval, or by conforming to recognized Industry specifications. LIFE-LIMITED AND TIME-EXPIRED PARTS: Aircraft parts that have predetermined service lives become timed out and no longer serviceable after exceeding these prescribed limits. Illegal use of scrapped, time-expired critical parts, which do not have to be destroyed prior to disposal or sale as scrap, has been linked to several fatal aircraft accidents. APPROVED MANUFACTURER There few things an orgnanisation must look in before making parts order. This is to prevent from making order from fake manufacturer. The organisation must make sure the part from the manufacturer is approved by FAA or EASA under 14 CFR Part 21 and EASA Part 21. An approved part manufacturer must be certified as FAA-PMA (FAA-Part Manufacturer Approval) or EASA Production Organisation Approval (POA). According to the FAA web page under Suspected Unapproved Part (SUP) Program (FAA, updated 19 December 2008), the buyer or any organization who want to order parts can refer all the current approved PMA from the FAA database. According to CAA CAAIP Part 1 Leaflet 1-6 (2006:1), unapproved aircraft parts or materials classified if: Parts or materials not conform to an approved type design. Parts or materials fail to conform to declared specification or accepted industry standard (standard parts). Parts or materials marked by unauthorised source with false documentation. Parts not been maintain, overhauled or repaired in accordance with the requirements of approved airworthiness data and/or statutory requirements, or by persons not authorised to perform and certify those functions. Parts that directly shipped to the end user by manufacturers, suppliers or distributors who do not hold appropriate production approvals and not been authorised to make the direct shipment to user by Type Certificates holder. While for an approved parts buyer were advised and recommended to follow the minimum procedures prior to place any order of aircraft parts which According to FAA Advisory Circular AC 21-29C (2008:1) has mentioned the term of approved parts are produced in accordance with the means outlined in Part 21. The procedures that the buyer needs to follow are as below. Identify the distributors and/or suppliers including their documentation system and receiving inspection system meet the traceability of parts to an FAA approved source. Evaluate and cross-checked to unfamiliar distributors and/or suppliers in order to prevent from putting the aircraft parts into risk condition. Identify the significant reduce of price than the priced quoted by other distributors and/or suppliers of the same part. Identify the delivery schedule offered to other distributors and/or suppliers (when the stock of a like item is exhausted). Usually the bogus manufacturer offer shorter delivery. Sales quotes or discussions from unidentified distributors that create the perception that an unlimited supply of parts, components, or material is available to the end user. A bogus distributor and/or suppliers inability to provide substantiating documentation that the part was produced in accordance to an FAA approval, or inspected, repaired, overhauled, preserved, or altered in accordance with the CFR. Any parts, components or appliances that need to be released must has come with Statement of Conformity or Authorised Release Document which signed and stamped by an authorised personnel from the approved manufacturer. Besides all the above, the approved manufacturer must also include or have Export Certificates of Airworthiness stated under 14 CFR Part 21 Subpart L Export Airworthiness Approval by releasing FAA Form 8130-3 Airworthiness Release Tag for export. Advices from the authorities, have mentioned clearly to the buyer to put extra caution on choosing the aircraft part dealers and before attempting any purchase order. On 21st January 1992 the FAA had issued an Airworthiness Directives AD 91-24-14 (Transport Airplane Directorate Designee Newsletter, 1992:10), about the incident of Pratt Whitney JT8D series turbofan engine regarding the bogus 4-1/2 bearing seal spacer found by United Airline mechanic during routine maintenance inspection. The FAA had find out that bogus spacer was contributed to engine bearing seal deterioration and cause the engine failure which can put the flight jeopardy. Therefore all the buyer and part manufacturers must be alert on recommendation of the authority in terms or avoiding bogus part or fake part to be used on aircraft. COMPONENTS DELIVERY Choosing the approved part manufacturer is one thing. The other crucial part that any organization or part manufacturers need to look into is the components delivery. Whenever order is placed, it must be distributed by the standard couriers that have good reputation in delivering goods. The organisation or part manufacturers must make sure the components distributor or courier is recommended by both parties in order to confirm the security of the components delivery. In accordance with CAAIP (2009:6) Part 1 Leaflet 1-12 The Acceptance of Aircraft Component under point 5: Distributor, the aircraft component distributors are not required to be approved by the CAA. The components distributor also cannot raise the Authorised Release Document, not required to provide any technical expertise to confirm the status of the aircraft components. So, any component received from the distributor, it is the storage department which is end user who is responsible to request the Authorised Release Document that release by approved organisation and establish the acceptability of the components itself before any installation of the part to the aircraft can be made. There is also Other thing that can happen such If the original distributor doesnt want to pass the components documents to end user, if this happened it is acceptable if another distributor endorsed the original distributors documentation according to reference number given. Authorised Release Documentation of the aircraft component is on file, Ref. No. # # # # and will be made available to the end user upon request from that end user (CAAIP Part 1 Leaflet 1-12, 2008:6) A further advice by CAA CAAIP Part 1 Leaflet 1-6 (2006:1), if the parts are delivered by direct shipment from manufacturer, it has got to have an authorisation letter by the Type Certificates holder to do so. If any parts are shipped to the end user by direct delivery from the manufacturers, who do not hold appropriate production approval, it will then be declared as bogus parts or unapproved parts. In accordance to Advisory Circular 00-56A (2002:12), the distributor must have Distributors Certification Letter in order to improve the eligibility of the aircraft parts and products for installation to type-certificated products. This organisation is part of FAA agency that works to conform and audit the quality system of the distributor accordance to FAA recommendation. By doing this, the security of the parts delivery will be achieved in order to reduce the bogus part usage. ACCEPTANCE OF PARTS Following to the store requirements, the organization must show how they going to guarantee that all the parts received are genuine (ICAT Module 10:63). For that reason the organization must ensure all the parts are from approved source that has traceability and history. In 1992, according to the bogus part cases, FAA had mentioned to the aviation communities to be alert on current issue in Aviation Maintenance Alerts (FAA, updated on 25 April 2008). The purpose of this maintenance alert is to share any information about the current maintenance experiences especially about the bogus parts usage in order to improve aeronautical product durability, reliability and safety. Now days lot of bogus parts that looks similar to original parts. So the organisation need to be alert on this kind of situation in order to make sure only approved parts are install or use on the aircraft. STORE As an approved organisation, there are two types of store must be existed which are quarantine store and bonded store. Both storage stations must be separated in order to prevent from mixing up the serviceable and unserviceable items. Further explanations of both stores are as below. Bonded store In this storage area, all the parts are ready to be installed to the aircraft and being monitored on its shelf life and eligibility. Some organisation has placed the approved parts under their own storage reference. This way is easy to keep track the parts eligibility and all the documents can be managed in a better way. If any of the parts are issued from this storage area, it is the responsibility of the mechanic or the engineer to check the parts and appropriate documents in order to confirm its airworthiness before installed to the aircraft. This maintenance practice can help reduce the bogus parts from being used. Quarantine store All new materials which have been received from the distributor must be placed in the quarantine store first, at which time the stores inspectors will check that all items are received. Below are the procedures that need to be carried out by the store inspectors. The inspector must confirm the specification and the drawing requirements. Inspector must inspect in order to ensure the goods received are free from damage or corrosion Inspector must also noticed that the items are received with sufficient time left to enable the item to be stored for a reasonable period in the case of shelf life item The store inspector must ensure the items received are accompanied by necessary airworthiness certificate When all these procedure has been carried out and the store inspectors are satisfied, that the incoming spares are fully airworthy they will then produce a good receipt number to the item for company internal identification and traceability. All items with the serviceable tag are sent to the bonded store. Parts which are considered to be airworthy will stay in quarantine store until instructions are received for their handling. INDENTIFY AND HANDLING BOGUS PARTS According to Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) system surveillance and analysis division, every organisation or distributor should create procedures before purchasing parts in order to found qualified suppliers authorized to make or move FAA approved parts. The following criteria can help identify and screen out potential SUPs suppliers: 1. Lowball prices if the price quoted or advertised is significantly lower than the price from other suppliers of the same part; 2. Suspiciously fast service if the delivery schedule for an out-of-stock part is significantly shorter than from others; 3. Data shortage if the supplier seems unable or unwilling to substantiate conformity of the part; 4. Papertrail shortage if the supplier seems slow, or unable to document FAA approval for the part. If any of these types of situations arise, organization or distributor should: Inspect product containers for damage, another suppliers name, or no markings at all; Crosscheck purchase orders with the delivery receipts for proper part number or component history card; Develop a system for tracking the shelf or service life of parts so as not to inadvertently use a part with an expired life limit; Verify that part identification markings arent altered or otherwise tampered with things like a serial number stamped over, an improper label, a missing label or a serial number stamped at a spot different than usual; Inspect parts for visual defects or abnormalities, such as altered or unusual surface finishes, the absence of, or variation in, required plating, any evidence of prior use, new paint, old scratches, pitting, corrosion or any sign of an attempted repair; Audit your supplier to ensure they establish and maintain the quality requirements specified in the purchase order. The CAA and FAA will exchange this report and work together in order to trace the unapproved manufacturers. This report will support the users to be more concern about the non-genuine parts besides helping the authorities to prevent from the non-genuine parts to be installed or used for aircraft. FAA RULES AND REGULATIONS. 1. FAA Part 21 Section L Export Airworthiness Approval This approval is issued for new or used aircraft manufactured according to Subpart F and G meet the airworthiness requirements outlined in Subpart H. An export airworthiness approval for an aircraft is issued in the form of an export certificate of airworthiness. This certificate does not authorize operation of that aircraft. The FAA prescribes the form and manner in which an export airworthiness approval for an aircraft engine, propeller, or article is issued. Under this subpart also provide the responsibilities for the exporters which all documents specified must be forwarded to the country or jurisdiction. The products and articles must pack and preserve as necessary in order to protect it against corrosion and damage during transit or storage and also must be in effective state on duration of delivery. 2. Advisory Circular 00-56A: Voluntary Industry Distributor Accreditation Program This advisory circular provides information about the system of accreditation of civil aircraft parts distributors by the FAA. The information in this AC has been revised in order to meet current changes in regulatory requirements and industry practices thus to improve the ability of certificated person to establish the eligibility of parts and products for installation on type-certificated products. Under this AC also provide the guideline for the aircraft parts distributors to be accredited thus reducing the problem of non-genuine aircraft parts in delivery system. All the accredited distributors will be given a certification letter or certificate approved by Accreditation Organisation. 3. Electronic use of the Authorised Release Certificate, FAA Form 8130-3, Airworthiness Approval Tag According to FAA Order 8130.21G (2009:5-1), under this topic the FAA provide guidance on acceptance and use of the electronic exchange FAA Form 8130-3 use of such electronic documentation for aircraft products and articles. This electronic FAA Form 8130-3 and other corresponding EASA and TCCA forms offer several advantages over the current paper format. FAA also provides information in procedures for use of this electronic 8130-3 Form. The authorised person must follow all the guidelines and notify their geographic FAA office before implementing the electronic form according to chapter 2, 3 and 4 of this order. Basically the issuances of the form must be in paper format in accordance with the appropriate chapter of this order. This order also provides sample of the necessary electronic 8130-3 Form as attached in the appendix. CONCLUSION Even though many preventive actions has been taken by the authorities to remind part manufacturers and aircraft companies how dangerous bogus parts are, but still there are a lot of non genuine parts being sold in the market. It is not only the part manufacturers fault, but as well as the aircraft company, who is trying to cut down cost on maintenance services due to the economy problem. As a result they decided to buy bogus or non genuine parts from the part manufacturer. So, are all the aircraft in the world are saved to travel with? Are the passengers lives or safety comes first? Or are the only thing they can think of is about losing money on using genuine aircraft parts.

Essay --

Of all the cuisines to choose from, I have decided upon the country of Spain from Europe and Laos from Asia. Lao cuisine is the closest to Hmong food, which is my ethnicity. The Hmong people do not have their own country to call their own, for example Lao people are from Laos and Spanish people are from Spain. Hmong people are not from Mongolia. Instead a majority of Hmong people resides in the mountains of Laos. Some live in Cambodia, Thailand, France, or the U.S. of A. Spain has influenced a large part of world cuisine. It’s techniques and ingredients have been intertwined with the rest of the world for thousands of years. Spain is in the southwestern part of Europe and to the east of the Mediterranean Sea. There are a large variety of fruits and vegetables grown in Spain. Food From Spain lists peaches, cherries, ioquats, apricots, nectarines, plums, apples, pears, grapes, wheat, and olives as fruits grown in Spain. There are also many others, but these specific fruits are only from Spain. A Melocoton de Calanda is a Spanish peach found in northeastern Spain. Cerezas de la Montana de Alicante is a sweet red cherry found in the jerte Valley in Extremadura of Spain. Ioquats are sweet, slightly acidic, and have a strong leathery skin. Certain types of apricots, nectarines, and plums also come from Spain. Apples from Asturias, Castile-Leon, and Catalonia of northern Spain are â€Å"generally considered superior (foodfromspain).† Pears are originally from Asia Minor, but grow well in inland Spain. Grapes, wheat, and olives play a major role in Spanish cuisine as well. Grapes are used for wine and oil. Olives are in abundance and are eaten and used for oil. Olive oil serves many uses in Spanish cuisine. Typica... ...med or grilled and low in fat. Spain has a more abundance of olive oil allowing them to create heartier meals. Spanish foods uses oil to deep fry, make emulsions, and create bases such as Sofrito. Spanish food is therefore heartier, but is higher in fat than Lao cuisine. Regardless of their differences both cuisines are delectable. Lao cuisine may not have influenced a great deal of the food world as Spain has; instead it has taken slight influences from Cambodia, Thailand, and Vietnam. These are two very different cuisines and offer a lot of different flavors and styles. The contrasting cuisines come from the different products they have available and cooking methods. Although both countries are in the eastern hemisphere, the different products are due to the region, climate, and soil type. Regardless of their differences both cuisines are delectable. â€Æ' Essay -- Of all the cuisines to choose from, I have decided upon the country of Spain from Europe and Laos from Asia. Lao cuisine is the closest to Hmong food, which is my ethnicity. The Hmong people do not have their own country to call their own, for example Lao people are from Laos and Spanish people are from Spain. Hmong people are not from Mongolia. Instead a majority of Hmong people resides in the mountains of Laos. Some live in Cambodia, Thailand, France, or the U.S. of A. Spain has influenced a large part of world cuisine. It’s techniques and ingredients have been intertwined with the rest of the world for thousands of years. Spain is in the southwestern part of Europe and to the east of the Mediterranean Sea. There are a large variety of fruits and vegetables grown in Spain. Food From Spain lists peaches, cherries, ioquats, apricots, nectarines, plums, apples, pears, grapes, wheat, and olives as fruits grown in Spain. There are also many others, but these specific fruits are only from Spain. A Melocoton de Calanda is a Spanish peach found in northeastern Spain. Cerezas de la Montana de Alicante is a sweet red cherry found in the jerte Valley in Extremadura of Spain. Ioquats are sweet, slightly acidic, and have a strong leathery skin. Certain types of apricots, nectarines, and plums also come from Spain. Apples from Asturias, Castile-Leon, and Catalonia of northern Spain are â€Å"generally considered superior (foodfromspain).† Pears are originally from Asia Minor, but grow well in inland Spain. Grapes, wheat, and olives play a major role in Spanish cuisine as well. Grapes are used for wine and oil. Olives are in abundance and are eaten and used for oil. Olive oil serves many uses in Spanish cuisine. Typica... ...med or grilled and low in fat. Spain has a more abundance of olive oil allowing them to create heartier meals. Spanish foods uses oil to deep fry, make emulsions, and create bases such as Sofrito. Spanish food is therefore heartier, but is higher in fat than Lao cuisine. Regardless of their differences both cuisines are delectable. Lao cuisine may not have influenced a great deal of the food world as Spain has; instead it has taken slight influences from Cambodia, Thailand, and Vietnam. These are two very different cuisines and offer a lot of different flavors and styles. The contrasting cuisines come from the different products they have available and cooking methods. Although both countries are in the eastern hemisphere, the different products are due to the region, climate, and soil type. Regardless of their differences both cuisines are delectable. â€Æ'

A Kantian Interpretation of Demonstrative Reference :: Philosophy Philosophical Kant Essays

A Kantian Interpretation of Demonstrative Reference ABSTRACT: According to Kant, we refer to what is out there in the world by performing a demonstrative act, like pointing at an object with a finger. A Kantian mode of demonstrative reference is characterized by the existence of a real, 2-placed affective relation between an intuiting subject and the referent. Parsons suggests that Kantian intuition is both singular and immediate, and immediacy demands an object of intuition to be present, a condition clearly satisfied by objects within our immediate perceptual field. But since we do not have an immediate relation with remote objects, the scope of our demonstrative reference is severely restricted by intuitional immediacy. I wish to develop a global Kantian intuition in order to extend the scope of demonstrative reference. Kant's ontology of space entails that the global representability of space be given to an intuiting subject as a form of intuition. According to Melnick, Kantian intuition is a kinematic operation which involves dir ecting attention and moving about. To make contact with the world, the subject must move away from its locale: although a spatially remote object (W) is not immediately present, we can shift our location by taking a path such that W will become so. Once we are close enough to be affected by W, we will be able to point at W and say "This." Thus, the intuitive scope of demonstrative reference is globalized as we shift our location. I A. The Semantic Content of "This" It has been suggested that Kantian intuition is analogous to the demonstrative term "This." According to Sellars, "to intuit is to represent a this." The demonstrative "This" provides a semantic model for Kantian intuition, but with some restriction. We can certainly apply the demonstrative "This" to individual items which are not proper objects of intuition, e.g., "This theory," "This thought," or "This proposition." The singularity of "This" is insufficient to characterize Kantian intuition. Since space and time are the forms of intuition, an intuitable object must have a spatio-temporal location. Hence, the demonstrative "This" is a semantic model for Kantian intuition only if it is "spatio-temporized." We can spatio-temporize "This" by performing a demonstrative act. The type of a demonstrative act can be characterized by a "2-placed de re ostension" as suggested by Howell. The function of a de re ostension is to indicate the presence of an object in our perceptual field. Pointing at an object with a finger is an example of a 2-placed de re ostension par excellence.

Drugs :: essays research papers

The first time I did acid isn't the most interesting time I've done it, nor the most scary, but I guess it would still be a good read. I was going down to a friend's house on a Friday night. Everyone was planning to get majorly fucked up. A lot of people were going to do Dramamine. I read an FAQ on it, and it said if you have Asthma you shouldn't do Dramamine...and to be honest, Dramamine seemed pretty nightmarish after reading a few trip reports. So I decided to stick with something I knew: ROBO! I picked up this girl I promised to give a ride to my friend's house, and we stopped at the drug store, where I shopped for a nice bottle of Robotussin. I finally settled on generic CVS brand Robo. We hopped in the car, picked up an acquaintance of mine, Zack, and headed down to my friend's apartment. It was about an hour drive. We were all psyched because we knew we were going to be getting all fucked up that night. We listened to this local ska/punk band, Heft, and even though I felt like a dork, some Blink-182. I used to like them a lot, then they became famous, and I started feeling like a dork listening to them...I told myself that it's stupid to just not listen to things because of what other people would think though, and let myself enjoy the music. Besides, it was my tape. :) We saw this weird green lightning bolt while we were driving down. We started thinking maybe they're be a thunderstorm that night while we were all fucked up, and it would be awesome. After a little while, and a wrong turn or two, we ended up at my friend's (we'll call him Jo) apartment. Some of my friends were there already. There was P, who never does any sort of drugs...W, who always tried to get me to take acid, but i was too chicken...Jo, who owned the apartment...two girls who we'll call M and Fatty. Z was my acquaintance from the car, and H is the girl who I gave a ride down to the apartment. W told me that P was going to do Dramamine that night. That sort of worried me. P never did drugs, and I wondered if he would be ok, since the Dramamine trip reports I read seemed very disturbing.

How Did Men Deal with the Stress of World War II Essay

The iconic â€Å"thousand-yard stare†, a far-off, unfocused gaze characteristic of soldiers who had succumbed to the trauma of war by dissociating from it, emerged with its name through the chilling photos of soldiers who were overtaken by these symptoms in the wake of World War II. It’s no surprise that war takes a toll on the psyche of all those affected by it. Given the brutality and scope of World War II, which began only 21 years after World War II (a war that had already ravaged the landscape and people of Europe leaving high estimates of the death toll at 65 million deaths), civilians and soldiers alike were engulfed in total war. As Hitler and the Nazis’ ideology was based on â€Å"A War of Extermination† fueled by a racial ideology that sought for the ethnic cleansing and complete reengineering of the social population of Europe, the massive amount of Soviet soldiers that perished as they were thrown wave after wave in order to slow the Nazi war machine, and the general cruelty that was apparent in this war, soldiers upon soldiers grew appalled by the nature of the war. As one soldier confesses in The Italian Job, â€Å"After three months, it was demoralizing†¦ it was every night, every night everybody was hunting Germans, everybody was out to kill anybody†¦ we was insane†¦ We did become like animals in the end†¦ Yes, just like rats†¦ It was far worse than the desert. You were stuck in the same place. You had nowhere to go. You didn’t get no rest, like in the desert. No sleep†¦ You never expected to see the end of it. You just forgot why you were there† (Addison 208). Often times, the amount of effort put into it and the lives sacrificed seemed to far outweigh the benefits reaped from both; Gottlob Herbert Bidderman, a German soldier that was present on the Eastern Front reflected on â€Å"the insignificance of twelve kilometers: twelve kilometers—in an endless land, where unbroken fields stretched to the horizon before us from sunrise to sunset. I wondered how many more twelve-kilometer battles lay ahead of us during our march away from the setting sun† (Bidderman 23). However, like anything that people are overexposed to, these men slowly grew accustomed to and desensitized to the trocities and horrors of the war. Human beings are naturally adaptive beings and history has shown time and time again that they do what is needed in order to survive. It would be simplistic to classify each of the nations and their armies as being uniform in their coping with the war – due to the specific nature of some of the problems and solutions that emerged from belonging to that particular nation (such as the Soviets reveling in their loyalty and the cult-like worship of Stalin and the Nazis racial ideology being one that ensured in their mind their victory), but many men, regardless of their affiliation, handled the war similarly. Some treated the time on these fronts as a long extended workday, disassociating from the acts they committed and the sights they witnessed as simply being a part of a job. Others turned to their families away from home – brothers and sisters, who through their common experiences, pains, and moments of hope, stood together in solidarity. Others turned to the bottom of a bottle to ease the pain; while others turned instead upwards to a higher power, or at the very least began to frequent religious services. Those who were not willing to look quite so loftily turned to their superiors and leaders for guidance and bravery; while in the case of the Soviet soldiers, glanced fearfully backwards as the higher-ups pushed them forward to their death. Far away from home and under harsh conditions, food and other chanced upon provisions and commodities would often serve as a best to moral. Due to the sheer breadth of stress embodied in being a soldier in any front during WWII, soldiers dealt with the immense strain in varying ways in order to keep intact their humanity, or at the very least, keep their sanity so that they could ensure their survival. There is a perception held by many idealistic, young men that war is a somewhat akin to a noble crusade. However, there is the reality is much more analogous, to as one German soldier put it â€Å"this is ten times worse than hell† (Grossman 151). A scene from the Italian Job details this hell: â€Å"some (too many, far too many) were carried in dying, with gross combinations of shattered limbs, protrusions of intestines and brain from great holes in their poor frames torn by 880millimetre shells, mortars and anti-personnel bombs. Some lay quiet and still, with legs drawn up – penetrating wounds of the abdomen. Some were carried in sitting up on the stretcher, gasping and coughing, shot through the lungs †¦ All were exhausted after being under continuous fire, and after lying in the mud for hours and days† (Addison 208). As a result, as these idealistic notions were lost, many turned to viewing the entire ordeal as a job. Having suffered through the war for some time, one soldier remarked, â€Å"You’re fighting for the skin in the line. When I was enlisted I was patriotic as hell. There’s no patriotism in the line. A boy up there 60 days in the line is in danger every minute. He ain’t fighting for patriotism† (Addison 210). Another soldier enjoyed fighting at dawn as he felt that it was almost as if he was heading off to work at the factory. Rather than consciously thinking of all of the horrors that they were witnessing on a daily basis and focusing on the fact that they could die at any moment, the concept of just doing a job provided a blanket under which these men sought to maintain control of their humanity by separating their psyches from the appalling state of being they were in. A man in an earlier war who was quoted in Addison’s book stated that â€Å"whatever its size a man’s world was his section—at most, his platoon; all that mattered to him was the one little boatload of castaways with whom he was marooned on a desert island making shift to keep off the weather and any sudden attacks by wild beast† (Addison 211). Away from their families and friends, immersed in a bloody war where hundreds upon thousands of people could die in a skirmish or battle, these soldiers could only count on each other to truly understand the situation they were currently in. Beaten and battered together, having lost many of the same friends, triumphed momentarily, or retreated hastily, this mutual understanding gave way to a support group – a family who soldiers could lean upon and secure their well being. Of this, Bidermann wrote, â€Å"Our thoughts were constantly occupied by the tenuous if not hopeless situation in which we found ourselves. We received solace only in our numbers and in being with comrades with whom we had shared so many experiences over the weeks, months, and years† (Bidermann 266). Repeatedly throughout the 3 readings, there is mention of men, whether they in the heat of battle or â€Å"relaxing† with company, being drunk. It’s no surprise as alcohol has been a means by which men have coped with their problems for thousands of years. If the problems won’t go away, the solution for some has been to drink until those problems do not register as problems anymore. As such, Holmes noted â€Å"headaches were almost universal in a theatre of war where wine and brandy were readily available† (Addison 212). Grossman ctually talks about how his battalion commander Kozlov, in the midst of battle, â€Å"withstood an attack of tanks. He was on great form and completely drunk. The tanks were thrown back in a dashing fashion† (Grossman 103). As religion has functioned as a form of comfort since the inception of civilization and the birth of religion, it was only natural for men living in depravity to come to it to relieve them of some of their burden. Subsequently, the men of the clergy were often instrumental to moral and aid. Furthermore, due to the looming possibility of death in war, the mortality of some became that much more apparent. In Bidermann’s account, he talks of a divisional chaplain named Satzger who had several times risked his life to recover wounded men. Resulting from men of the cloth like Satzger and with death looming, â€Å"many of the soldiers who had not been so inclined began to attend religious services †¦ For far too many [the chaplain] would offer the last voice of reassurance and the last vestige of comfort before they, too, succumbed to mortal wounds† (Bidermann 25). Another Catholic priest was dubbed â€Å"the rucksack priest† as he carried a field pack from which he provided troops on the front lines with simple food items that had in war become luxuries. While it may have been a spiritual solace that many received at the hands of these men of God, others attended for the sake of having a comforting and helping hand. It’s been told that leaders are supposed to lead by example. Caught in chaotic times, superior officers often functioned as beacons to rally around. In times past, great leaders such as George Washington, Alexander the Great, and Genghis Khan immersed themselves in battles, showing that the best commanders do not directing them from the rear, but rather leading them in the front. A commanding officer by the name of â€Å"Captain Kendall, turned a shaky company into a passably good one by public displays of sheer guts. ‘Look at me,’ he said quietly, walking from man to man under fire. ‘They can’t hit me. Look at me’† (Addison 210). Examples like this provided moral boosts to dreary men who needed something positive to cling to. Conversely, rather than inspiring by a guiding light of bravery and courage, the Soviets were incentivized onwards by the ever-present detachments behind the troops that would shoot deserters. Grossman describes this in further detail: â€Å"Stalin’s Order No. 27 – ‘Not One Step Back’ – included the instruction to each army command to organise ‘three to five well-armed [blocking] detachments (up to two hundred men each)’ to form a second line to ‘combat cowardices’ by shooti ng down any soldier who tried to run away† (Grossman 141). As many Soviet soldiers understood the likelihood of their death in squaring off against the Nazis, the desire to flee was understandable. Stalin believed that the presence of the troops would force the Soviet troops to fight even harder. Pushed forwards, the stark realization of soldiers was expressed by Grossman: â€Å"Once you are here, there is no way out. Either you will lose your head or your legs†¦ Everyone knows that those who turn and run would be shot on the spot. This was more terrifying than the Germans† (Grossman 146). Under the constant strain of needing to ration supplies and consistently cut off from supply lines, soldiers had to make do with their limited resources. Given the treacherous nature of the constant advancement and lack of luxuries, whenever there was time to enjoy the comfort brought by certain goods that had faded away from recent recollection to distant memories, the time was relished and the goods provided relief to the men. In fact, Bidermann specifically noted several instances where his regiment and he would partake in â€Å"luxuries† that were not available to them by enjoying the spoils of war. â€Å"Two August was marked by a break in the monotonous field rations, when we boiled freshly dug potatoes in an unnamed Ukrainian village. Obserschutze Fehr had already plucked a chicken, and together with the boiled hen and potatoes we ate peeled cucumbers† (Bidermann 24). In another instance, his crew discovered a still-intact collective farm and was able to enjoy hot coffee, schmalzbrot, and sleep in small thatched-roof huts. Though seemingly commonplace to us, moments such as these provided brief relief and respite from the horrors of daily life across the theatres, and allowed soldiers to momentarily reflect on how life used to be. Constantly under an onslaught of forces that, if mishandled, could cause a man to lose his mind, soldiers used some, if not all, of the aforementioned forms to provide relief or inspiration in persevering in their struggle. Under pressure, these men had to find whatever means by which to motivate themselves to return safely home, and more so than that, return home as much themselves as before.

Conflict, Functionalist, Feminiist Perspective View on Prostitution

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